Women, Conflict And Governance In Nagaland IV

Women’s Engagement with the Underground

On a previous occasion, we had written that in conflict areas women do not face only one patriarchy but multiple patriarchies.31Another reality in a conflict area is that women are forced to deal not just with the state machinery of violence but also with the rebel groups. They might often find themselves in sympathy with the rebel groups who they might perceive of as fighting their own cause. But sometimes they might be at odds especially on questions over resource-sharing. Such was the case in Phangrei Hill. According to NPMHR (South) annual report (April 2008-March 2009), in mid-2008, the public was informed of a proposal to start chromite mining at the Phangrei and Shirui Kashong range. The report states that at the request of the Research Committee on Conservation of Natural Resources, Shirui village, NPMHR (South) provided assistance in writing a response paper to the Forest and Environment Ministry of the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim (GPRN) to demand a review of the proposal to start mining. It is against this backdrop that we need to situate the conflict over resources, in this case the conflict between Lunghar village and Shihai village over control over the Phangrei Hills. Both Lunghar village and Shihai village had claimed ownership over the Phangrei Hills. Chromite deposits are found to be plentiful in the Phangrei Hills.

The villagers have been preserving the hills and water near the village as it provides them with the source of livelihood. The villagers realized that chromite mining would lead to environmental degradation; particularly the only source of water, the Kashong river water might be contaminated. When the NSCN came to know that Lunghar village was in a dilemma about allowing chromite mining in the Phangrei Hills and might oppose the proposed mining activity, Sihai village offered the Phangrei to NSCN, which resulted in further confusion over its ownership. According to villagers, Administrator General (Retd) V.S. Atem, Emissary to Collective Leadership, NSCN, taking advantage of the situation, issued an order that the headmen of the two villages would have to appear for “water judgments” as there was no substantial evidence regarding the ownership of the Phangrei Hills. NSCN also issued a threat to Lunghar and Sihai that whosoever refused to participate in the  water judgment would be deemed the loser. Clause 8 of the water judgment clearly stated that “if any part of the body is visible out of the water level then it shall be deemed as floating hence disqualified”.

In this case, when the two headmen of the two respective villages, Lunghar and Shihai underwent the trial and the Shihai village headman’s feet was visible. Seeing this, according to a press release by Lunghar village, the NSCN emissary raised a voice but then decided to remain silent. The Shihai village headman was declared the winner and a fine of Rs 5,000 was imposed on the Lunghar Village. The villagers refused to pay the fine and published it in the local Tangkhul media, following which an arrest warrant was issued to the village secretary and headman of Lunghar village on 16 November 2008. NSCN cadres led by Ukhrul Town Commando reportedly came rushing to the headman’s house fully armed and the women’s unit of Lunghar village stood guard for thirty days holding torches. When NSCN cadres came to attack them, the women said, “You bought guns with our money and now time has come that you will kill us with our guns!” L.W. Joyly, president, Lunghar Shanao Long, recalled that for a month women of all ages took part in the night vigils fearing that NSCN cadres might resort to violence. Women constructed a gate at the main entrance to the village and kept a vigil with torches. She recalled with joy that the women managed to secure their livelihood rights through this struggle to reclaim the Phangrei Hills. She further asserted that though they were devoid of landed property rights they depended directly or indirectly on the natural resources available in and around the area and hence their main foci was to preserve the natural reserves.

The Lunghar Shanao Long, by taking on the role of a human shield and stepping in to contain conflict, managed to break the boundaries of the village council which had been exclusively a male domain of village governance.32 After the nightlong vigil the village council recognized that women are important stakeholders in crisis-management and passed a resolution which said that in the coming years there will be provision for two-third participation of women in the village council.33 Women’s encounter with the rebels varies, depending on which rebel groups they come across and what is their own location in society. In Nagaland, the rebels in general do not have a history of targeting women unlike what we have seen in armed conflicts in many other parts of the world such as Sri Lanka. The rebels have often proved to be receptive to arguments made by mothers’ groups. This has given particularly older women some space in negotiations for political negotiations. This perhaps reflects women’s somewhat elevated position in society. In general, older women community leaders are addressed by all as “aunty” and treated with deep respect. Probably that is why the NMA achieved some success in negotiating for a ceasefire. However, this particular respect for older women has had negative fallout because it has made it difficult for younger women to assume leadership roles in the community. There is often a polarization on the basis of age. One of the past presidents of NMA confessed that even though she wanted to she could not make a younger woman the president of NMA.34The older generation is often unwilling to give up their leadership roles. However there is a realization among many women that much of the issues that they face today are different from the nineties, the heyday of state-versus-community conflict. Now secession is hardly ever mentioned and good governance and justice has become an important demand both from the state and sometimes the rebels in control of certain areas.

Good Governance and Women in Post-Ceasefire Nagaland

Good governance is generally characterized by accessibility, accountability, predictability and transparency. The concept of good governance goes beyond specific problems related to government actions over specific problems, and is broadly understood as social capacity for providing a system of government that promotes the objectives of human rights and human development. The system should have socio-political structures, rules and procedures, within which its members can lead a life, interrelate, make decisions, and resolve their conflicts in a reasonably just and ethical way. More than that, democratic governance occurs when public decision-making by authorities and the resolution of conflicts follows a system of rules and procedures that furthers justice. Good governance is also related to rule of law. Rule of law is sometimes defined as a system of independent, efficient, and accessible judicial and legal systems, with a government that applies fair and equitable laws equally, consistently, coherently, and prospectively to all people, without discrimination. More generally, rule of law is created when all social and state action is based on legal and ethical norms and the norms are followed and enforced. Also, and importantly, the power of public authorities should remain subordinated to the legal structures that govern the society. There are no single, universally accepted conceptions of good governance and democracy. Since the 1990s, the EU has preferred to speak of democratic principles when it refers to the principles upon which the organization of states and the guarantee of fundamental rights and freedoms should be based. After fifteen years of ceasefire in Nagaland we have two different generations, one with a strong memory of conflict and another without such a memory. The priority for the generation that did not have a strong memory of conflict is good governance. They want to reap all the benefits that the state can offer and they would like to take advantage of what it means to be an Indian. They often find themselves at cross-purposes with the older generation which has made sacrifices for the dream of liberation. Women’s agenda for activism in Nagaland in this post-ceasefire period is often evolved through the interface of these two generations.

The state-versus-community conflict led to a fairly stable ceasefire in 1997. That conflict unified much of the Naga opinion. People sacrificed much of their personal interest for the cause of nationalism. The roots of this conflict ran deep. The Nagas considered that they had always been a sovereign people that the Indian government colonized. They considered this colonialism unjust. The Nagas often referred back to the referendum of the 1950s when supposedly 99.9 per cent Nagas voted for freedom. This particular conflict unified the Naga people as never before. But even then there were fissures in society and some factional fighting. But now that conflict is all but over a number other contests are affecting the Naga people. These contests are between the settled and the migrants, between ethnicities, between generations and between genders and interestingly the state is progressively appearing as an arbiter in these conflicts rather than as a party to it. One of the reasons for this is that the state has from the 1990s tempered counter-insurgency with development. Also it has skillfully and successfully marketed its developmental agenda through the so-called Look East policy. The state now needs allies in among the people of the Northeast to pursue this policy. Hence, such a great stress on the developmental agenda and creating for itself a reputation of provider of justice and good governance.

In 2002, the Indian government started in Nagaland a project entitled the Good Governance Project. The objectives of the project are:

1. To evolve working models of good governance and actualize them through pilot projects;

2. To strengthen structural linkages to ensure delivery of development;

3. Improving infrastructure of government systems; and

4. Updating skills, attitudes and responsibilities officials.

The steering group for the project took advice from all the districts and came up with a list of action points that included the following:

1. Timely allocation and release of funds;

2. Transparent and fair tenure, transfer, posting policies;

3. Maintain flow of information from top to bottom;

4. Maintain clarity in job and role descriptions and rationalized work allocation;

5. Proactive steps by HODs/Secretaries to support/build capacity at DPBD levels.35

The state is aware that it has to make a fine balance between ensuring good governance and maintaining peace. Officials posted away from the capital have had to deal with great difficulty because it is here that the rebels are strongest and have been able to keep the memory of their fight for liberation alive. However, by 2004 everyone realized that there was a good chance for lasting peace. To placate Naga sentiment, the Indian government tried to revive the village councils and village development boards (VDBs). In this new millennium, these two institutions were given special importance. In the recent Human Development Report it was stated that the “VDBs have become the cornerstone of decentralized planning and development in Nagaland. In many places VDBs’ performance has been exemplary. They have played a pivotal role in the in the creation and maintenance of infrastructure in the villages.”36 One of the major changes in post-conflict Nagaland has been the growth of urban centers. In 1981, only 120,234 people lived in urban areas but in 2001 that number went up to 352,821. Too rapid urbanization might lead to lack of services but over a period of time greater urbanization often leads to lower mortality rates and higher literacy rates and both happen to be true in present-day Nagaland. To bear this out, one has only to look at the nutritional status of children in Nagaland. Although children in urban areas might be underweight, they get higher levels of essential vitamin A and iodine supplements, which reduce the chances of morbidity. Health care centers are also in far greater numbers in urban areas. Also people have to spend more on food in rural areas than in urban areas. The Nagas have a life expectancy of 73.4 years when the national average is only 60.7 years even when their per capita income is far lower.37 The literacy rate is 80.11 per cent where the national average is 74.04 per cent.38 Between 1991 and 2001, the literacy rate had increased only by 4.94 per cent when the all-India increase was 12.63 per cent. But between 2001 and 2011, the literacy rate in Nagaland has grown by 13.52 per cent, when the national average has grown only by 9.21 per cent. To put matters in perspective, the increase in Nagaland is the highest in Northeast India. This increase surely seems to be the direct result of comparative peace between 2001 and 2011.

Relative peace has brought in some other changes as well. Through exercises like Imagine Nagaland, transparency and accountability seminars, capacity-building programs, Nagaland is moving towards positive changes. The people who were born in the eighties and nineties have much less animosity towards the state.39 Progressively these people will come into leadership roles. It is a state with underutilized potential. The total irrigation potential in the state is for 165,000 hectares of which only 49,000 hectares have been developed by 2004. Production of certain commercial crops is beginning to show signs of growth of over ten times.40 The growing stock volume of wood in Nagaland is today assessed at 94,887 million cubic meters with an annual increment of over 1.9 million cubic meters. With this sort of potential, the growth of wood-based industry is merely a matter of time. One decade of peace in the state has already brought in many changes. Now there is an office of the Confederation of Indian Industries in Kohima, which was unthinkable a decade back. In Nagaland, the death rate has decreased from 4.3 in 1994 to 3.6 in 2009. Between 2001 and 2011, the sex ratio has increased from 900 to 931. There seems to be no incidence of feticide or infanticide in Nagaland. The gap between the literacy rates in rural and urban areas has also decreased from 9.7 in 2001 to 6.6 in 2011.41 Nagaland has shown tremendous improvement in power supply for domestic consumption. More than 99 per cent of households in rural areas and all households in urban areas have electricity today.42 However; there has been a decrease in the number of households with basic amenities such as drinking water and latrines. Nagaland presents a picture of greater development in the decade from 2001 to 2011 than in the previous decades.

With the state-versus-community conflict receding, newer fractures are, however, appearing. One, as has already been stated, is the difference of opinion between generations. The other relates to growing disparity between regions or districts of Nagaland. We have statistics from three districts of Nagaland including Kohima, Phek and Mon. As far as basic amenities such as water are concerned, there is a great disparity between districts. In Nagaland 46.80 per cent of people in rural areas and 60.30 per cent of people in urban areas have drinking water in their houses. In the rural areas of Phek district, only 27 per cent have drinking water whereas in urban areas the figure is 61 per cent. There are, however, more community wells in rural areas than in urban areas. In Kohima district, only 35 per cent of households have drinking water. In terms of literacy rate, Mokokchung tops the list at 92.68 per cent, while Mon is at the bottom with only 56.60 per cent. However in the Mon area, the death rate is as low as 3.21 for every 1,000 people, while in Phek where the literacy rate is 70.31 per cent, the death rate is as high as 8.43. Also infant mortality is slightly less in Mon than in Phek. The total number of towns in both the districts is the same but in Mon the density of population is 145 per sq km., while in Phek it is only 73 per sq. km. In Mon, the sex ratio is very low at 881, whereas in Phek it is 923 and in Kohima 944. In all of Nagaland it is 931 (as per Government of India Census, 2011). Attitude towards women also differs in all the three districts. In Phek, 74.32 urban women and 67.64 rural women are in favor of property rights for women; 63.81 and 50.61 per cent of men in rural and urban areas and 75.32 per cent in rural and 32.99 per cent women in urban areas support women in decision-making roles and 82.38 per cent men in rural and 38.25 per cent men in urban areas and 91.82 per cent women in rural and 43.24 per cent women in urban areas support the Women’s Reservation Bill. In Mon district, support for 33 per cent for women is much higher. 92.51 per cent of rural males and 92.45 per cent of urban males support it whereas 87.62 per cent of rural women and 93.46 per cent of urban women support it. 42.88 per cent of men in rural areas and 57.23 per cent of men in urban areas support women in decision-making roles whereas 64.34 per cent of women in rural areas and 62.74 per cent of women in urban areas support it. 79.66 per cent of men in rural areas and 56.60 per cent of men in urban areas and 42.72 per cent of women in rural areas and 72.54 per cent of women in urban areas support property rights for women. Notwithstanding this women as per customary law do not inherit property in most of Nagaland.43

Women’s Activism Today

Where women are concerned, Nagaland is a country of great contradictions. It is said that women down the centuries have cultivated land, raised families, woven cloth, provided food and marketed local produce. Today, however, they are getting into newer fields, seeking greater avenues for personal and professional fulfillment and taking up new challenges. Women’s activism has also evolved during the fifteen years of ceasefire. There is grave disagreement between groups over whether the traditional forms of protest are adequate for Naga women in this day and age. With the conflict receding into the background, new contentious gendered issues are coming up which are putting women and men in contest with each other and the state is appearing as the new arbiter. In the traditional governing system under the village council or informal council of elders, women were excluded from decision-making. Today the VDBs, which governing powers in the villages and form the village councils, have to allocate 25 per cent of its fund for women only and employ female representatives to administer it. This has been ordained by the state. In village councils there are very few female chairpersons. Tokheli Kikon is the first woman village council chairperson in Nagaland. She initially started off as a social worker and village council member of Naharbari Village, Dimapur. Kikon recalls that in 2005 when she contested the village council election, she was the only woman candidate contesting against three male candidates. She recalls with pride that out of twenty-one votes she received thirteen, with two votes not being cast. After she became the village council chairperson, she ensured that 25 per cent of the VDB fund was utilized solely for the women’s unit of the village. She encouraged capacity-building of women. She says her motto is “work and eat”. Under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme she has encouraged villagers to focus on the drainage system of the village. She has also restored a water body close to the village and encouraged villagers to take up pisciculture, which is one of the major sources of livelihood for men and women.44 Women are taking up these examples, showing that women in decision-making roles can bring forth real changes. In 2009, Mrs. Vamuza, the chairperson of the Naga Women’s Commission, also felt that the women’s groups need to generate awareness about the Government of Nagaland’s efforts to make participation of women mandatory in village councils/VDBs. In a memorandum (No LR/1-1/94), the government has announced that women will have a separate share in the village development board fund. Some women have even used this fund to buy land for themselves and disprove the myth that Naga women do not own land.

In Nagaland, cultivable land is the most valued form of property both for its political symbolism and economic value. It is something that can give people a sustainable livelihood. There are paradoxes. In Nagaland, girl children are equally cared for and infanticide does not exist; dowry deaths or starvation deaths are unheard of. Also women have the right to divorce their husband anytime but they do not have the right to inherit ancestral property. There is a broad debate going on among Naga women about their land rights. Women are claiming that land rights will give them the ability to take decisions about agricultural production and increase their decision-making role in society. It will also give them better economic status, protection from desertion, pauperization, etc. It might also save the land, particularly when men become addicts. Also, rural women totally depend on the land and they also form the main workforce. Often men migrate from rural to urban centers and when that happens, the women have to protect the land. Also, for women with disabilities it becomes extremely essential that they inherit property to save them from added vulnerability and morbidity.45 In this newer mode of activism, land has become a contentious issue between men and women today.

It is not as if the traditional mode of activism has been completely forgotten. Another contest that has surfaced is a contest between the different underground movements. The former president of NMA, Khesheli Chishi, reported that they are actively trying to formulate a process of reconciliation with other human rights groups.46 This process continues under the aegis of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR). Originally there were eighteen community members representing organizations such as NPMHR, the Hohos, NSF, church groups, with two women’s organizations, the NMA and NWU. The FRN brought six of the underground groups together on a common platform. All important rebel leaders are taking part in this process, including Th. Muivah, I. Swu, Gen. (Retd) Khole Konyak, Kitovi Zhimomi, Brig. (Retd) S. Singya and Zhopra Vero. The process began on 20 August 2011, with the leaders acknowledging the hurt they had caused each other and apologizing for it. They also promised to work towards “the formation of one Naga National Government.”47 This process is gathering momentum particularly because even in 2 February GPRN and NSCN (IM) cadres were killed by members of the Khaplang faction, which was not in the peace process. On 29 February 2012 there was a historic meeting in Dimapur where all these rebel leaders addressed the public. One major newspaper carrying the news wrote:

The Naga Reconciliation meeting which has long been pending saw the light of day Wednesday under the aegis of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation, supported by the signatories of the “Covenant of Reconciliation,” the “Naga Concordant”, churches, Naga peoples and its tribe organizations and a record of 20,000 people gathered to listen to the Naga leaders.

The more than 5-hour marathon meeting not only brought out views on reconciliation but also asserted on the long-pending demand for sovereignty and the ways to achieve it.48

That the FRN was built on the traditional model of Naga activism is portrayed by the fact that it tried to include all relevant organizations in the process of reconciliation including women’s groups. Their ultimate aim was political as Isak Swu commented that Naga reconciliation “is highly political as the Nagas are divided or united in the line of politics, not on moral or individual ground”.49 Also their ultimate call was against the state as their main goal was sovereignty. The women leaders worked in tandem with the men on the side of reconciliation. They did not raise any gendered demand unless sovereignty is considered as one. The leaders were also mindful of this saying this was a political demand. However, they were also mindful of new realities and did not talk of violence but rather of reconciliation with India, which they called their neighbour.50

Another contentious issue today is that of public health. HIV/AIDS is also polarizing Naga society. Bordering Myanmar, Nagaland is one of the six states with the highest incidence of HIV positive people in India. It has been found out that 80 per cent of women suffering from HIV come from families below the poverty line. Other than societal attitude, poverty makes lives of HIV positive women even more debilitating. The government, therefore, developed a nutritional support scheme for women living with HIV. The program initially covered 500 women but by 2011 over 765 women was covered by this scheme. This helped HIV-positive women to come together as a group and form a support system of their own.51 This is another evidence of the state’s support for women.

Perhaps the most dramatic of women’s contests in Nagaland is over the question of 33 percent reservation local elected bodies. Women are poorly represented in the formal decision-making processes in Nagaland including the village, regional and national levels. To facilitate women’s participation in the political process and involve them in decision-making the Government of Nagaland passed the Nagaland Municipal Act of 2001, the Amendment of 2006 and the 108 Amendment Act (is this correct?), and the Women’s Reservation Bill of 2008. The Nagaland State Commission for Women is an apex organization meant to look after the needs of Naga women. In 2009 Mrs. Sano Vamuzo, 52 who was the chairperson at that time and who was also one of the founder members of NMA, pointed out that there is a need to generate awareness about women’s role in decision-making bodies by encouraging them to participate in electoral politics. She cited two instances of the state efforts for women’s engagement in political spaces, the state initiative to ensure 33 per cent reservation for women in local bodies. She recalled the commission’s efforts to bring together various civil society actors on 13 February 2009. The group unanimously adopted two resolutions: 1. In favor of immediate support for reservation through the women’s bill; and 2. The reservation of seats for women as per the Nagaland Municipal Council Amendment Act 2006.

Yet during the Mokokchung municipal elections of 2008 this bill could not be implemented as women filing nomination papers were stopped by volunteers from 16 wards of Mokokchung town arguing that reservation of seats for women was irrelevant for Aos as it was against customary law.53The situation got so bad that the women under the leadership of NMA petitioned the courts asking for implementation of the bill. When the municipal and town elections were postponed as a result of the controversy over women’s reservation bill the women asked the court to continue with the election and implement the reservation under article 243 T(3) of the Indian Constitution and Section 23A of the Nagaland Municipal (First Amendment) Act 2006. Even the chief minister of Nagaland supported the women in his speech on 8 October 2010 when he said that there is “a commonly held view amongst some Nagas that traditionally women do not have any role in public governance in Naga society. However, it is also gratifying to note that many enlightened people in the state no longer subscribe to this view. In modern times, societies which do not accord an equitable and honorable status to their women are considered to be backward, underdeveloped or even primitive.”54 The women petitioners, including Rosemary Dzuvichu and Aboiu Meru, representing NMA won this case; article 35 of the court order stated that elections had to be undertaken by 20 January 2012 honoring the 33 per cent stipulation for women.

Women’s activism over 33 per cent reservation witnesses the appearance of a new form of activism for Naga women. No longer were questions of sovereignty allowed to sweep questions of women’s rights under the carpet. With conflict shifting from people’s immediate memory there was no longer any justification to gloss over other rivalries be they on the basis of ethnicity, location or gender. In these contests, the people are going to the state machinery for arbitration and the state is also allying with certain groups to facilitate governance. An IAS officer clearly said that NMA is always welcome in our offices as we think of them as allies in our good work.55 That is not to say that everything has changed given that out of a total budget of Rs 7,911.85 crores in Nagaland 2012 only Rs 14.98 crores is specially designated for women’s development. However, it is possible to deduce that alongside the old forms of activism women are developing a new form of activism in which they are strategically allying with the state which was almost a taboo in the old form of activism.

This is a tale of how the state came to realize that the answer to the Naga problem is not merely violence but also development. In this way the state convinced the Nagas to observe a ceasefire. In this they were aided by Naga women who wanted to end violence. Once the state versus-community conflict could be put on the back burner it was possible to convince younger people that what they needed was resources so that they could take their rightful place in the world. This nudge towards resources also brought forth other smaller disparities in society that were not grand enough to threaten the state but large enough to keep the people fragmented. The state could now act as a grand arbiter dispensing resources and justice.

The women for their part through their lived experiences of conflict started working for peace. In their activism for peace they acquired a legitimacy to enter the space for political decision making that was denied to them. In their commitment for peace they motivated their society to observe a ceasefire. The state found in them an unusual ally and could see their far-reaching influence in society. When the state decided to move away from their mode of conflict with the Naga people it reinvented its indispensability by championing the cause of women. It was around the same time that women’s activism was going through a generational change. Younger women leaders decided to innovate with new agenda for women and brought in the question of women’s rights. In this they found much of the traditional leadership allied against them. They found the state keen to ally with their cause in its role as an arbiter. This mutual coming together of Naga women and the government of Nagaland is reflected in the activism for a Women’s Reservation Bill. The women used all government institutions to further the cause for peace, justice and equity. This coming together was timely although the alliance is bound to be fragile. Both the sides are giving lip service to this alliance to further their own interest. However, for now this alliance has proved transformative for gender roles in society, helping the cause of peace, stability and justice. It remains to be seen whether this alliance can in any way be liberating for Naga society as a whole otherwise it will soon become redundant.


*The paper is written by Paula Banerjee and Ishita Dey.

* Paula Banerjee is a Member of CRG and Associate Professor of Calcutta University. Ishita Dey is also a member of CRG and Ph.D. student of Delhi University.

*The paper was first published July 2012

(Courtesy: Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group- www.mcrg.ac.in)


End Notes

31 Paula Banerjee, “Between Two Armed Patriarchies: Women in Assam and Nagaland,” in Rita Manchanda ed.

Women War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood to Agency (Sage, New Delhi, 2001)

32 Interview of the author with L W Joyly, President, Lunghar Shanao Long, 14 June 2009.

33 Much of the information was gathered by Ishita De after FGD with women from Lunghar on 14 June 2009

34 Interview with a past President of NMA (name not disclosed as per request) Kohima, 22 March 2012.

35 Nagaland State Human Development Report, (Department of Planning and Coordination, Government of Nagaland, October 2004) p. 45.

36 Ibid p. 48.

37 Ibid p. 95

38 Human Development Report of Northeast States, December 2011, Ministry of Development of Northeastern Region, Government of India, 2011, p. 20

39 FGDs with under 30 urban people, Kohima, 3 March 2012.

40 Nagaland State Human Development Report, (Department of Planning and Coordination, Government of Nagaland, October 2004) p. 199.

41 Human Development Report of Northeast States, December 2011, Ministry of Development of Northeastern Region, Government of India, 2011, p. 20

42 Ibid, p. 67.

43 All the data in this paragraph has been taken from District Human Development Report 2011 from Kohima, Mon and Phek, published by UNDP and GOI.

44 Interview of the author with Tokheli Kikon, Dimapur, 30 February 2012.

45 Interview with Gangarani in a capacity building workshop with WAD, Imphal, 17 June 2009.

46 Interview with Khesheli Chishi, Kohima, 29 February 2012.

47 A Journey of Common Hope: Naga Reconciliation (a pamphlet) Published by Forum for Naga Reconciliation, September 2011.

48 “Naga Reconciliation Meet resolves to cease armed confrontations,” Nagaland Page, Dimapur, 1 March 2012,

p. 1.

49 “Call for unity through reconciliation is highly political,” Nagaland Page, Dimapur, 1 March 2012, p. 1.

50 Ibid.

51 Annual Administrative Report 2012, Department of Women Development, Nagaland, Kohima, p 9.

52 Interview with Sano Vamuzo, Chairperson, Nagaland State Commission for Women, 6 August 2009

53 Nagaland State Human Development Report, (Department of Planning and Coordination, Government of

Nagaland, October 2004) pp. 103-104.

54 Court Judgment on Women’s Reservation Bill Nagaland p. 4. Guwahati High Court, WP (C) No. 147 (K)

2011, Judgment dated 21 October 2011. The author received a copy of the judgment courtesy NMA

55 Inteview with Ramaiah Ramakrishnan, Kohima, 3 March 2012.


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