Ethnic
Groups in Burma
A peaceful and
democratic Burma requires a flexible accommodation among the country's diverse
ethnic groups. Without lasting resolution to questions of local autonomy and
national power-sharing, rebellions that have flared and simmered in Burma's
borderlands for over five decades cannot be resolved. And without peace, there
is little chance for grassroots economic development that could help reduce the
currently massive illicit dug production and trafficking in many impoverished
ethnic minority areas.
The lack of a reliable census makes it impossible to more than roughly estimate
the composition of Burma's ethnic mosaic or its total population. Some experts
suggest existing population data is skewed, exaggerating the number of Burman,
who are the largest single ethnic group. According to available statistics, they
comprise about two-thirds of Burma's approximately 50 million people and
dominate the army and government. Most of Burma's ethnic minorities inhabit
areas along the country's mountainous frontiers. Karen and Shan groups comprise
about 10% each of the total population, while Akha, Chin, Chinese, Danu, Indian,
Kachin, Karenni, Kayan, Kokang, Lahu, Mon, Naga, Palaung, Pao, Rakhine,
Rohingya, Tavoyan, and Wa peoples each constitute 5% or less of the population.
Burma has experienced a long history of migration and conflict among various
ethnic groups along fluid frontiers, which were finally fixed only during
British imperial rule from the 1820s to 1948. Under British control, diverse
peoples far from Rangoon were brought under at least nominal central
administration. Yet many areas remained effectively self-ruled, with only a thin
veneer of imperial oversight. During World War II, while many Burman joined
Japan's fight against British forces, many minority ethnic groups remained loyal
to Britain. This reflected a genuine desire for independence
on the part of both
groups: Burmans struggling to be free of the British colonial yoke, and ethnic
minorities wishing to escape Burman domination.
The Union of Burma became independent in 1948 only after extensive negotiations
led by General Aung San, who convinced most ethnic minority groups to join the
new union. The Panglong Agreement of 1947 outlined minority rights and
specifically gave the Shan and Karenni peoples the option to secede from the
union a decade after independence. Yet these constitutional guarantees were
never fully respected. Almost immediately upon independence, Burma was wracked
by a series of brutal ethnic wars that continue in varying intensity to this
day.
The principal
demands of Burma's ethnic minorities are to gain genuine autonomy for their home
areas and to achieve a significant voice in the affairs of the country as a
whole. Few demand total independence as their ultimate goal. Since its 1988
coup, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (or SLORC, renamed the State
Peace and Development Council in November 1997), has negotiated cease-fires with
most armed ethnic opposition groups and waged fierce assaults against others.
Muslim Rohingya people in southwestern Burma were targeted in 1991, and over
250,000 fled to neighboring Bangladesh. A new wave of attacks was reported in
late 2000.
At least 140,000 more Karen, Karenni, and Mon people from eastern Burma are
refugees in Thailand following intense Burmese army offensives since 1984. Many
Shan people have been forced to flee army assaults as well. In several areas,
there are massive numbers of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), mostly
villagers who have fled their homes to escape conscription as military porters
or other abuses. The suffering of Burma's estimated 600,000 IDPs is often far
worse than refugees in neighboring countries, who receive at least some outside
aid.
In many areas, uneasy truces prevail. Among the earlier cease-fires concluded
were with ethnic Wa and Kokang armies, which until 1987 served under the Burmese
Communist Party. The Burmese army's agreements with these groups permit opium
cultivation and the right to trade without interference. The result has been a
sharp increase in heroin production and smuggling from Burma and a concurrent
worldwide rise in heroin use and addiction. These groups are now also engaged in
large-scale illicit manufacture of methamphetamines.
Some other ethnic
opposition organizations, particularly the Kachin Independence Organization and
the Karen National Union, have taken strong stands against drug production and
trafficking. The present junta has exploited divisions within and among ethnic
groups to bolster its rule. In 2000, the relocation of thousands of Wa farmers
into traditional Shan areas has raised tensions and sparked fighting between
those groups.
The United Nationalities League for Democracy, an umbrella group
for non-Burman political parties formed after the 1988 democracy movement, was
revived in January 2001 by exiled politicians. A draft constitution was ratified
and executive members were elected. These parties won a combined 65 seats in the
1990 elections and have a strong claim to political legitimacy.The National
Democratic Front (NDF), another coalition of ethnic groups, is also striving to
promote common positions among ethnic minorities.
Prospects for a democratic,
prosperous, and peaceful Burma are dim without a just and amicable settlement of
the country's ethnic conflicts. The junta's proposed new constitution does
little to acknowledge ethnic groups' grievances. Burma's democratic opposition
has urged serious efforts to address these issues, as ethnic reconciliation and
cooperation will be a major challenge for any future Burmese government.
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